Equal Opportunities in Employment Historical Analysis

Wednesday May 7, 2008

Historical Analysis

There have been many changes in legislation concerning equal employment opportunities. These are mostly an attempt to protect minorities from discrimination in the workplace. In this paper we will examine some of the laws that have been put in place, their purpose, origins and limitations. The United States of America is a country in which there exists, in theory, an environment where people are free to own their own businesses without government intervention. There are however, various exceptions where the government steps in. One way in particular is with regards to the protection of minority groups.

One of the barriers against employee discrimination came in the form of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibited employment discrimination because of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. One of the earliest movements towards the advancement of this cause occurred in 1962, when a man named Cesar Chaves decided to organize the migrant laborers of the California grape farms. Most, though not all of the farm workers he rallied, including himself, were Hispanics. These families had to subsist on average yearly salaries of about $2000 per year, barely enough to survive. It took this ragtag group of migrant worker about three years to make themselves heard, and in 1965 they finally went on strike in a movement known as La Causa . This nonviolent strike lasted three years, and it culminated in the creation of the Farm Workers Union.

Around this same time sanitation workers in Tennessee went on strike to protest the unfair treatment they felt they were receiving. They felt they were being mistreated because during a period of bad weather, a group of black workers was sent home without pay, while white workers were permitted to continue working and receiving compensation. Despite the efforts of the striking workers, no resolution was reached. This case was to become an enormously famous situation, world renown, when the revered Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., arriving in Memphis to lead a march on the sanitation worker’s behalf, was assassinated at his motel.

Years later, the Civil Rights Division in California filed a suit against the San Diego Fire Department seeking resolution against employment discrimination against women. These efforts of the Civil Rights Division resulted in opening doors for women in fields traditionally held by men, such as police officer and correctional officer .

It is greatly on the part of these motivated groups of people that much of the legislation against discrimination has been enacted. In charge of fighting this sort of discrimination against minorities is the Department of Justice. The Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (EEOC) is in charge of regulating the work environment. The EEOC is responsible for enforcing the laws that have been passed into effect which apply both to private employers as well as the Federal Government. Various laws have been put into effect to prevent prejudicial discrimination to minorities including areas such as race, religion, disability, etc. But is this freedom, or merely oppression of the majority? Do private businesses really have the obligation to hire people merely because they belong to a minority group? The EEOC says they do, but some researchers in the field disagree.

Equality under Employment Discrimination Acts

Law professor John J. Donohue III from the University of Michigan Law School argues that over time, the development of employment discrimination law has come out of changing conceptions of equality in the U.S. He argues that there are three concepts of equality, and the way in which a worker’s labor is valued, which are the catalysts of changes in U.S. employment discrimination law :

·A worker’s wage should equal the value of the individual’s labor as determined by the market.

·Workers’ value depends on discrimination against the group.

·A worker’s price depends as much on the market’s attitudes about the worker (or worker’s group) as the work itself.

“So, rather than a worker’s wage being determined by his or her productivity, the wage is also contingent on such things as employers’ and other employees’ attitudes about race, gender, age, religion, and so on. In efficient capital markets the price of an asset will equal its value, even in the face of bias or discriminatory attitudes. Capital markets are more thoroughly efficient than labor markets. Because of this efficiency a capital market is able to set the price of stock at the intrinsic value of that stock. Because of labor market inefficiencies, a worker’s productivity (or intrinsic value) and a worker’s price (wage) are often not equal. This conception moves beyond the protections of a perfectly competitive capital market. Constructed equality demands that employers pay all employees equally, regardless of the true value (to the market) of their differing productivity.”

According to Donohue, the original goal of these employment laws was basically to ensure that the protected groups maintain equality with non-protected groups. However, this special treatment of minorities is contrary to the premises of a capital market, which is how a labor market should operate (pricing is depended on supply vs. demand.) As with all capital markets, government intervention means lengthy processes and legal red tape which results in high costs and inefficiency.

“While U.S. conceptions of equality have developed further than intrinsic equality, the logic of market processes staunchly resists the institution of constructed equality. While the realization of intrinsic equality is at least in theory attainable, argues Donohue, the movement of U.S. society toward a goal of constructed equality leads to an unclear objective. Additionally, this objective can be attained only through the political conflict of multiple special interests all claiming a right to preferential treatment.”

Historical Timeline of American Civil Rights Laws

1776 – Declaration of Independence “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

1865 – 13th Constitutional Amendment abolished slavery, but did not give blacks equality.

1866 – Civil Rights Act “all persons shall have the same rights…to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, give evidence, and to the full and equal benefit of all laws…”

1868 – 14th Constitutional Amendment “All persons born or naturalized in the US…are citizens…nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person…the equal protection of the laws.”

1920 – 19th Amendment “The rights of citizens…to vote shall not be denied or abridged…on account of sex.”

1963 – Equal Pay Act prohibits sex-based pay differentials on jobs.

1964 – Civil Rights Act Title VII prohibits employment discrimination based on race, sex, national origin, or religion. Title VI prohibits public access discrimination, leading to school desegregation. Title VIII is the original “federal fair housing law,” later amended in 1988.

1965 – Executive Order 11246 affirmative action requirements of government contractors and subcontractors.

1967 – ADEA prohibits age discrimination for 40-65 year olds, amended in 1986 to remove the 65-year-old age cap.

1968 – Architectural Barriers Act requires accessibility for disabled in buildings and facilities financed with federal funds.

1973 — 504 of the Rehab Act bars federal contractors or subcontractors from employment discrimination on the basis of disability.

1988 — Fair Housing Amendments Act disabled access required for multi-family housing intended for first occupancy after March 13, 1991.

1989 – Air Carriers Access Act disabled access required in construction of terminal facilities owned or operated by an air carrier.

1990 – Americans with Disabilities Act Title I prohibits disability discrimination by employers. Titles II and III require disability access in all places of public accommodation and business for first occupancy after January 26, 1993 or for occupancy for new alterations, and all state and local government facilities, after January 26, 1992.

1991 – Civil Rights Act adds provisions to Title VII protections, including right to jury trial.

Americans with Disabilities Act

The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) provides for equal employment opportunities for persons with various degrees of disabilities. Under the ADA, it is unlawful for employers to discriminate against a qualified individual with disabilities. This act even prevents discrimination against a non-disabled individual on the grounds of his/her association with a disabled person, as long as the individual can perform, with or without reasonable accommodations, the required functions of their job. Reasonable accommodation means that an employer must accommodate a disabled individual’s needs as long as this does not pose undue hardship upon the employer. This legislation applies to all companies with 15 or more employees .

Those that are disabled in this country find themselves in a situation that many are not subjected to. They were not considered a unified group. Disabilities vary greatly from person to person, so this may prevent closeness among the groups. The lack of continuity of the problem led to many barriers for the disabled community as a whole. Their power and came in unification. As a focus group, those that were disabled found their strength in numbers, and made a significant impact on business. It wasn’t until the disabled community focused their attentions to the government as a group, or many groups, that they received aid in the form of social reforms and the passing of laws. Their coming into the lime light was a result of social reforms of the post World War II era.

“Although the disability rights movement developed in the tradition of 1960′s social movements, Disability as a class did not share the same cohesive forces manifest with race and gender.”

The differences among them doesn’t allow for cohesion of their collective strengths. The same shift of focus occurred in the early stages of the ADEA to more attractive topics of race and sexual discrimination. Laws in this country are made for the protection of its inhabitants. It is the way our system is designed. A situation arises and must have a stifling effect on a majority or a minority group for social reform top be enacted. This is a trend that has and will remain prevalent in this society. The situation is the exclusion of this group of individuals whom only seek an equal opportunity to perform their rights as citizens of this country. It is difficult however, when dealing with a group of individuals that is by definition or category, disabled. So should a separate law be enacted? It is not clear as to whether using a separate law might, “ironically reinforce discrimination by underscoring the separateness of people with disabilities.”

The valid argument being that why enact a law that might only potentially isolate this group of individuals as unequal. No matter the situation however, in this country, making an employment decision without having consideration for those that are disabled is just wrong on many levels. If a CEO of a large corporation falls victim to paralysis, but still retains full use of all mental abilities, is he not still a valuable asset to the corporation? As for those that actively seek employment and are disabled, they no longer can be discriminated against for their disability per the Americans with Disabilities Act.

Growing Success and Barriers

With power comes responsibility. The disabled community was empowered when the ADA took effect. This doesn’t mean that they went out suing everybody. However the battles fought in court that gained them federal funding apparently become concurrent with the growing sentiment that, to add these changes would be too costly.

“The need for information and technical assistance continues to grow, outstripping federal and state resources.”

“The disability community has generally, in these early days of the ADA, taken an ADA implementation strategy of educate and negotiate, and litigate as a last resort.”

The movement the ADA sparked faced opposition just as every other reform that focuses on a specific group. So wouldn’t it be found ironic that the collectivism they achieved as a group isolated them as a burden to those in opposition? The opposition was faced as the initial success was also being felt. The most relevant point is that the movement was justified by the freedoms guaranteed in the Bill of Rights. The United States government found itself compelled to do what was morally and contractually right.

Cost and Effect on Business

The bottom line is just that. When the smoke clears, and the day is at an end, many factors incorporate into the final success of a business. In the capitalist society which embraces and grants the freedoms given to such groups by reforms such as the ADA, the ultimate benefit is received when it is determined that it helped the business. Did it increase moral? Did it in increase productivity? Basically did it increase market share plus the profitability of the business?

“A recent study based on the experience of Sears, Roebuck, and Company in making reasonable accommodations reported that the average accommodation cost the company $121.00.”

“The study also reported the 69% of accommodations cost nothing, 28% cost less than $1000.00, and only 3% exceeded $1000.00.”

The statement that reasonable accommodations don’t require great expenditures is relevant in more ways than one. The accommodation of those with needs based reforms, such as the elderly, disabled, and those whom are victim of racism and sexism have a greater interest in change than that of percent increases and turnover margins.

Age Discrimination in Employment Act

The Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA) is the primary federal statute, which prevents employers from discrimination against individuals on the basis of age. This act covers people who are 40 years of age or older, unless there is a bona fide occupational qualification, in other words, reasonably necessary for the business to operate normally. The regulations recognize that “no precise and unequivocal determination can be made as to the scope of the phrase ‘differentiation based on reasonable factors other than age.’ Whether such differentiations exist must be decided on the basis of all the particular facts and circumstances surrounding each individual situation.” In the case of the ADEA, companies must have 20 or more employees in order to be bound by this legislation.

The discussion of discrimination on the basis of age is based on the premise that as age advances, progress and productivity decline. The United States government has prided itself on the virtue of equality. In doing so, it has enacted its powers over this stigma to ensure that discriminatory practices on the basis of age do not plague American business firms. The basic argument over the issue rests on an individual with the ability to perform but has been neglected the opportunity to advance or participate in the workforce. Rather than get enraptured in a heated social commentary, the issues discussed here will focus on why the need arose for enforcement and regulation by analyzing the advancing needs for the latter over a time-frame from proposal to present, the effects it has had on current business practices and law-making bodies, and the possibilities of adjustments that may lie in future laws if any.

“More than eighty million Americans now living were born during the two decades following World War II.”

The need for legislation arose as an issue of equality and opportunity, but what else? The nature of protection rests in the need for security, specifically, security from persecution when advancing in age. The generation that rose from the ashes of post World-War II raged with social reform and added to the growing nation wide sentiment in regards to progress and job security in the latter part of life.

“Until the 1950′s, age bias occurring in the workplace was not a matter addressed by the laws of most states, and it was not until 1967 that Congress that ageism was outdated and irreconcilable with civilized society and American cultural values.”

In passing The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967, a means was found to end discrimination on the basis of age in the workplace. It provided assistance to those who needed it. Laws however, do not remove ideological community blinders. The belief that those above the age of forty cannot compete (which is important because that’s what that the workplace of today has become and has always been), rests in the minds of many business managers who engage in physical or manual labor. The importance of those above the age of forty and their irreplaceable experience has long been a virtue upheld and applauded by big business. Baby boomers after all, started what the current version of what business community knows as big business. It’s the fast paced world of movers and shakers. Why would they in any way desire to stagnate their progress as the new generation of workers seeks advancement in a work environment they designed and implemented?

“The oldest baby-boomers – those who turned fifty in 1996- will be fifty-five in 2001 and sixty-five in 2011.”

Relevance to Current Legal and Business Environments

Suits filed and won against employers that have engaged in legal wrong doing are the trophies upheld by the group that enacted the laws safeguarding those above the age of forty. After all, what’s the use of enacting a law if it’s not to be enforced?

“Between 1970 and 1989, the number of filings of employment discrimination cases in the federal courts increased almost 2200 percent, while all other types of cases rose 125 percent.”

The need for this excess in litigation has had significant impacts on two major groups, lawyers and businesses. An increase in the need for legal assistance can be inferred from such a large increase cases filed, but it only signifies the trend in society to seek legal action against wrongdoing. Companies will find it very costly to engage in ageism, and in the spirit of the almighty dollar, will be more than willing to adhere to governmental regulations. Gender aside, companies cannot afford to engage in discriminatory practices not only for economic reasons, but because they have advanced in the mentality that denying the opportunity to anyone, would be denying their respective business the opportunity to hire or advance a productive individual. The productive individual lies in the heart of the issue and is the one to gain from this legislation. The natural human tendency to believe that productivity decreases as age increases is what’s called into question, and it is that question that strikes the need for security in the workplace.

“Currently in this country nearly 20 percent of male college graduates over sixty-five continue to work, while less than 10 percent of workers that age without a high-school diploma remain in the workforce.”

“Similarly, 49 percent of female workers in age group fifty-five to sixty-four were still working in 1995,and this figure is expected to grow to 56 percent by 2005″

Barriers, Possible Future Trends, and Recommendations

As the initial period after the enactment of a law passes, its strength, and the fervor that gathered the strong emotions of public opinion behind it slowly die out, and so does the leniency of the courts that uphold that law. What happens is that in the public eye, other matters derive a sense of urgency above that of the previous movement that was passed. Not to say that it’s aftermath is not felt by and upheld across the nation’s borders, but rather that public opinion sways back and forth on unresolved matters. The foreground for upholding discriminatory practices is not very clear, and does leave room for speculation, so its passing into law was felt by many as its passing to the backseat in favor of other reforms.

“Despite Congress’s declared interest in banning age discrimination from the workplace, some courts appear less than enthusiastic about enforcing the provisions of the ADEA.”

“The nation’s commitment to end age discrimination is not as strong as its commitments to other public policy ends, such as race, and sex discrimination.”

The focus of litigation tends to flow in the direction of occurrence. If it’s happening in one area more than another, the public eye also shifts in that direction because that’s what they feel is happening to the greater majority. Since the passing of the ADEA, the focus of age has shifted to the skilled laborer.

Equal Pay Act of 1963

The Equal Pay Act of 1963, EPA for short, is an employment discrimination deterrent of very limited scope. It was passed as an amendment to the Fair Labor Standards Act, and it is very similar to that act. The EPA protects against sexual discrimination regarding wages only, and only in regards to executives, administrators and professional employees. The vast majority of EPA cases are filed by women, even though the EPA protects both men’s and women’s rights. The EPA is enforced by the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission, and not by the Labor Department. The EPA differs from other discrimination act, because it does not require plaintiffs to submit claims to the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission or any other state agency before filing a lawsuit.

To recover damages from pay discrimination, the person must show that he/she performed the equal amount of work as the other employees for less pay. According to Mr. Bruce D. Fisher and Michael J. Phillips the equality of the work is based on four factors (1) equal effort, (2) equal skill, (3) equal responsibility, (4) similar working conditions. Effort is defined as the amount of physical and/or mental labor required for the job. Skills are explained as the abilities required to perform the tasks, these include experience, training, education and the ability to perform the job. Responsibility refers to the accountability of the job, or how important the decision made by that particular position. Mr. Fisher and Mr. Phillips use the example of, bank employees whose loan decisions must be reviewed by a superior when the loan exceeds $10,000 probably are not equal to bank employees who can approve loans of up to $50,000 at their own discretion , to define Equal Responsibility. Working conditions is the physical area around the employees; this includes the hazards of the job, the environmental factors such as heat, cold, fumes, radiation and such. Interestingly enough the environments of the positions being compared only have to be similar, not identical.

Rarely do the courts consider these factors separately, as was shown in the case of Fowler v. Land Management Group, Inc. . The Land Management Group, Inc. hired Barbara Fowler in 1987 as a project manager; her starting salary was $32,000 a year. Fowler worked for the company for three years, attaining the position of Vice?President of Building Development. When she was laid off her salary was $60,000 a year, the other Vice?President was being paid $73,500. Fowler sued the company under the Equal Pay Act in a federal district court. Land Management Group, Inc. stated that the other Vice?President, Bruce Reese, had certain professional qualifications that Fowler did not possess, those being that Reese had an engineering and surveyor’s license. They also stated that Reese had greater practical experience and that he generated greater profits than Fowler. The Land Management Group, Inc. claimed that Reese was more vital to the company than Fowler. The jury did not believe that there was an overwhelming difference between Fowler and Reese’s positions. The court gave Land Management Group, Inc. a motion for judgment notwithstanding, even though the jury ruled in Fowler’s favor. Fowler then appealed this ruling, and the appellate court agreed with the previous jury’s decision. Thus Fowler won the appeal.

Under the Equal Pay Act, the plaintiff has to establish that his/her employer pays him/her less that their counterpart, for the exact same level of work. The employer then must prove that this wage difference was not based on sex, but on some other relevant factor. These factors may include seniority, level of output, quality of output, or any other factor that is not based on sex. The employer can protect the company and himself by using organized and precise criteria for evaluating each of their employees.

Sexual Discrimination

Sex discrimination is defined as treating an employee or employees differently just because of their gender. Whether or not this discrimination affects the “terms or conditions of employment”, it is illegal. The “terms or conditions of employment” mean just about anything relating to someone’s job: their position, pay, title, hours, vacations, most everything is a term or condition of employment. Whether or not a person is hired is also considered a term or condition of employment. The provisions against sexual discrimination were added to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 as a last minute amendment to Title VII, because of this there very little legislative interpretation history.

There are two types of sexual discrimination: Disparate Treatment and Disparate Impact. Disparate treatment is when a person is treated differently based solely on their gender, which is straight out discrimination. Desperate impact is when one or more company policies exclude certain people from qualifying for promotions or from obtaining the position. An example of this treatment arose often in city fire department, where strength was required and applicants were tested. These strength requirements were set too high for women to qualify, thus excluding otherwise qualified women from being firefighters. Victims of sexual discriminations must file a charge with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission before any private lawsuits can be filed, it also must be filed 180 days from the alleged violation. Sexual discrimination is composed of several related topics: Sexual stereotyping, Pregnancy discrimination and finally Sexual harassment.

Sexual Stereotyping

Sexual Stereotyping is when an employer’s behavior discriminates against a gender either male or female. An example of this is when an employer assumes that all women will act just like the “female stereotype”, or if he requires all female employees to behave in such away. The employer may also violate this section of Title VII if he denies a promotion based on this stereotyping. According to the article Empowering Women in Business by the Feminist Majority Foundation:

“Many women have been discouraged from “going for the top” by a set of myths suggesting women are not suited for top management and that any problems are being solved gradually. These myths work to keep women “in their place” and to justify the lack of progress for women. Worse yet, these myths often place blame on women rather than on sex discrimination.”

These myths include that women will have conflicts between their family and the business and that female executives will cost the company more than male executives. These myths and stereotypes come from outdated ideas of gender, ideas that originated in the 1920s and 1930s, and have no place in Twentieth century business.

Pregnancy Discrimination

Pregnancy discrimination is when a woman is fired or refused a job based solely on her pregnancy. The Pregnancy Discrimination Act amended Title VII, and made it illegal to discriminate based upon pregnancy, childbirth, or any other related medical conditions. The act also made companies treat pregnancy and other related conditions like any other affliction, which would affect an employee’s ability to work, such as the flu. According to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s web site , an employer cannot refuse to hire a woman because of her pregnancy as long as she is able to perform the major functions of her job. It also states that: If an employee is temporarily unable to perform her job due to pregnancy, the employer must treat her the same way as any other temporarily disabled employee. This means that policies regarding a female employee’s sick leave, disability insurance and health insurance must treat her pregnancy like any other affliction. This act became effective in 1978.

Sexual Harassment

The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission defines sexual harassment as: Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature constitutes sexual harassment when submission to or rejection of this conduct explicitly or implicitly affects an individual’s employment, unreasonably interferes with an individual’s work performance or creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment . Mr. Fisher and Mr. Phillips claim that there are two types of sexual harassment: Quid pro quo sexual harassment and Work environment sexual harassment.

Quid pro quo sexual harassment happens when an employer suggests to an employee a link between sexual favors and consequences to their job. This connection may be implied or stated. These consequences could be termination, promotion, raises, or better evaluations. For sexual harassment to occur there must be some tangible effect on the employee’s job, such as being fired. Many courts require the plaintiff to show proof that the plaintiff’s job was negatively affected. This conduct is mostly done by people who need to feel power over someone else, because they probably feel inadequate in some other respect. If a supervisor’s sexual advance is rejected, and nothing happens to the employee or her job, it is not considered sexual harassment. This harassment can come from numerous sources: a supervisor, an agent of the employer, a supervisor in another area, a coworker, or a non?employee. Sexual harassment is not limited to just the victim, as was the case in EEOC v. Tanimura & Antle , one of the largest lettuce growers/distributors in the United States.

The EEOC alleged that a production manager at Tanimura & Antle subjected a Blanca Alfaro, female employee, to quid pro quo sexual harassment. The EEOC alleged that Ms. Alfaro was then subjected to hostile work environment conditions, which included constant unwelcome sexual advances by that production manager and another management employee. It was further alleged that Ms. Alfaro was discharged in retaliation shortly after she complained about the unwelcome advances. The EEOC also alleged that other workers were subjected to similar types of harassment by managerial and supervisory personnel and were retaliated against for complaining about the repeated harassment. The company’s retaliations included the creation of a hostile work environments and discharging some of the employees. The EEOC also alleged that Tanimura & Antle unlawfully retaliated against Elias Aragon, a male employee, when he complained about the harassment of Ms. Alfaro. Mr. Elias alleged that Tanimura & Antle’s retaliation included verbal abuse and suspension without cause, until he was ultimately discharged. The case was settled for a $1,855,000 voluntary settlement; this settlement through a Consent Decree avoids further protracted litigation by the EEOC. It was approved by US District Court Judge James Ware in San Jose, California. The behavior against Mr. Elias just shows how far some managers will go to protect themselves, and why filing with the EEOC quickly is such a good idea.

Work environment sexual harassment is when a group, or individual, creates an environment that is hostile or intimidating in the work place. This type of harassment must be severe and/ or pervasive for the company to be liable. Examples of this would be a supervisor bombarding a female employee with sexual proposition, or touching. Another example this type of sexual harassment would be co-workers who constantly bombard a female coworker to raunchy jokes, ass grabbing, or any other general abuse. This type of harassment comes about even if the employee is treated fairly when it comes to payment, promotion or other benefits. The most important element is that the behavior must be unwelcome, meaning the employee cannot take part in or instigate the behavior. This means that the female employee cannot tell a “dirty” joke to her coworkers, and then turn around an file for sexual harassment when her other coworkers join in and tell raunchier jokes. Hostile work environment is not limited to just jokes, comments, or physical touching, it can also be printed materials or writing on the walls. This was proven when in 1998 the EEOC charged Foster Wheeler Constructors Inc. with racial and sexual discrimination in Chicago . The charges arose from complaints EEOC received regarding racial and sexual harassment at a Foster Wheeler construction project in Robbins, Illinois. This harassment came in the form of racist and sexist graffiti in portable toilets at the Robbins site. Foster Wheeler Constructors, Inc. settled the case by Consent Decree and had to pay $1.3 million to over one hundred employees.

This case was important because according to Gregory Gochanour, the EEOC Trial Attorney in Chicago responsible for the government litigation, “This case,” Gochanour said, “ought to serve as a lesson to the construction industry at large. Racial and sexual harassment, including racial and sexual graffiti, is no more acceptable at construction sites than at other places of business. It’s illegal, and construction industry employers who permit it may be looking at costly litigation.” This case was vital because challenged a problem in the construction industry, harassment in the form of graffiti. It expanded Work Environment sexual harassment to include graffiti, and probably any other written material found in the work place.

Sexual harassment, of any type, is not limited to opposite sex, it can also include same sex, as the decision in Oncale v Sundowner Offshore Services Inc. [U.S. Supreme court 523 US 75(1998)] proved. Joseph Oncale worked for Sundowner Offshore Services on a Chevron oil-drilling platform in the Gulf of Mexico. On several occasions certain members of crew, in front of other crewmembers, subjected Mr. Oncale to sexually related and humiliating conduct. He was even threatened with rape and was physically assaulted. Oncale filed complaints with his superiors at Sundowner, who took not action to alleviate the situation. When Mr. Oncale eventually quit his job, he asked that his pink slip show the reasons for his departure. Oncale sued Sundowner in federal district court, for alleged sexual harassment. The district court said that because he was male, he had no cause of action under Title VII. Oncale appealed this decision to the US Supreme court, which found that same?sex sexual harassment is protected under Title VII.

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964

Title VII of the 1964 civil rights act may be viewed as the single “most important federal employment discrimination statue” Enacted in a period vast discriminations both in and outside of the workplace, this act proved to have a profound affect on this country and its citizens. Title VII applies to and covers all private and public employers, state and municipal governments, employment agencies, worker unions, and educational institutions with at least 15 employees or more. It protects against discrimination on the basis of race, religion, national origin, and sex in all aspects of employment. This includes hiring or firing employees; assigning, classifying, or compensating employees; transferring, promoting, layoff or recall of employees; job advertisements; recruiting and testing of employees; use of company facilities by employees, training employees, fringe benefits, payment of employees; retirement plans and disability leaves; and other terms and conditions for employees.

“Discriminatory practices under these laws also include: harassment on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, disability, or age; retaliation against an individual for filing a charge of discrimination, participating in an investigation, or opposing discriminatory practices; employment decisions based on stereotypes or assumptions about the abilities, traits, or performance of individuals of a certain sex, race, age, religion, or ethnic group, or individuals with disabilities; and denying employment opportunities to a person because of marriage to, or association with, an individual of a particular race, religion, national origin, or an individual with a disability. Title VII also prohibits discrimination because of participation in schools or places of worship associated with a particular racial, ethnic, or religious group.”

Certain groups are excluded from Title VII coverage. Groups such as Indian tribes are excluded by the Indian sovereignty immunity, which covers all corporations where board is represented by at least two tribal leaders. Legitimate tax-exempt groups are except from the Title VII provision well. For example an all men’s not-for-profit group may not be required to allow women into their association under Title VII as long as there are no business transactions taking place. Religious educational institutions are allowed under Title VII to discriminate based on religion since it is the basis of their institution. Similarly, entertainment purpose gathering can also discriminate by height, age, appearance, sex, and so on, based on the fact that it is the basis for their gathering. The question is where one draws the line between specific institutions that are covered by Title VII and others, which may get away with discrimination claming exclusion from coverage.

Once one is clear on who is covered under the Title VII statue and whom it protects, there is a set procedure that must be followed if there is a violation of the statue. For instance “parties alleging a violation cannot simply sue their employer at any time desired.” Generally, the complaint must be presented to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in order for the dispute to be settled. The EEOC in turn deems what is necessary to resolve the matter, and may file suit on behalf on the complainant. If the settlement is not within satisfaction of the complainant then the EEOC eventually issues a right to sue letter allowing the complainants to sue on their own behalf.

There is also a strict statue of limitations in regards to violations under Title VII. Violations must be charged no later than 180 days of the incident in order for the claim to be legitimate. These strict time frames and procedures, by which one must file a violation, may arguably constitute a violation of civil rights on its own. Victims that may not be aware of such procedures or time restriction, may be excluded form any remedies they may rightly deserve. In addition certain victims may opt not to take the matter to the agency because of fear or ignorance, and rather deal with the mater individually also disqualifying them from due remedies. Although such procedural constraints may appear to be barriers for victims, they do in fact ensure the exclusion of frivolous claims and promote integrity.

A successful claim to a Title VII violation does not in itself entail a violation. In order for there to be a violation, the burden of proof lies on the complainant or plaintiff, and the agency (usually EEOC) which is filing suite. The plaintiff must prove that the employer’s decision on the subject was based on discriminatory reasons outlawed by Title VII. Such proof is not easy to come by since there is usually little to no evidence showing if that employers did in fact act in a discriminatory manner. As result two different methods have been established to prove violations of the statue, Disparate Treatment and Desperate Impact.

The Disparate Treatment theory is used when a single person or small group is claiming a violation and is usually used to describe intentional discrimination. There are three stages this theory encompasses in order to prove a violation. First there must be an establishment of a prima facie case. “A case strong enough to require some rebuttal by the defendant.” In order for a claim to be considered a prima facie case the following must be proven: Plaintiff must be a part of the protected class under Title VII; plaintiff applied and was qualified for the opening they applied for; plaintiff was denied the job; institution continued to search for applicants after plaintiff was denied.

If the plaintiff successfully proves a prima facie case, the burden of proof switches over to the defendant’s party. The defendant must now prove that a legitimate hiring decision was made without any discriminatory intent; if they fail to prove a legitimate defense they automatically loose and award is granted to the plaintiff. However, if the defendant successfully shows the court that the plaintiff was turned down because they did not fit the occupational qualifications, the complainant has one final opportunity to show “the employers given reasons is only a pretext and that discriminatory intent actually motivated the employers decision.”

Disparate Impact (adverse impact) theory is used in cases involving a large number of complainants, usually as a result as unintended discriminatory acts based on qualification tests. First the plaintiff must show that the tests or practices being challenged have an adverse effect on one of the protected classes of Title VII. Such practices may include educational requirements, strength requirements, and height or weight restrictions. Once the plaintiffs prove this adverse effect, the employer must prove that the practice is not only job related, but also a business necessity. If the employer is successful in proving a business necessity toward its requirements, the plaintiffs have one last chance to try to amend the practice in order for it to be more favorable to a specific protected class.

One such example would be the previously mentioned case in which a female claimed a sexual discrimination violation against the New York City Fire Department. The NYFD argued that it did not allow women into the force because of the excruciating conditions the fire fighters were exposed too, claiming a defense of business necessity. The United States Supreme Court ruled in favor of the women stating that physical qualification tests rather than gender should be the basis for recruitment. In addition they lowered certain weight lifting type exercises to 150 lbs form the previous 200 lb requirement. One argument to this theory could be the issue of effectiveness vs. fairness. Lowering the limit to 150 lbs certainly promotes fairness by giving women a chance to be recruited but what does it do to the effectiveness of the NYFD. Does this suggest that the life of a victim that weighs over the specified 150 lbs could be compromised for the exchange of equal employment rights? The basis of the courts decisions was that the average weight of an adult was 150 lbs so it was irrational for the NYFD to test for anything above that weight.

It is clear to see the multitude of arguments that can be derived from such ambiguous issues such as employment discrimination. Although the previous two theories of thought are the leading methods of proving a violation of Title VII, it is evident that proving such violations could be much easier said than done. “Even if a violation is proven, an employer still emerges victorious if it can establish one of Title VI various defenses which basically break up into three groups.” The first of such defenses is referred to as the Bona Fide Occupational Qualification (BFOQ), also know as Business necessity. This defense protects the employers from liability if they can prove that the discriminatory act in question was based on a qualification needed in order for the organization to conduct business. This defense is common within organizations in the entertainment industry, which are granted permission to discriminate based on the assumption that such decisions may be critical to their success.

The BFOQ, however, does not apply in cases of racial discrimination. One such example was a case concerning a male server and the Hooters restaurant chain. The server claimed a violation of Title VII on the grounds that Hooters war discriminating against him for being a male. Hooters was able to prevail in this case claiming that having only female servers was a business necessity for their organization and that altering this qualification would seriously jeopardize their business. Another such example would be “a women’s clothing boutique hiring only female attendants if part of the attendant’s job is assisting clients into the dressing room, or the FAA imposing age limits for its airline pilots.”

The second defense, which exempts employers from Title VII, is the Seniority System. This system allows employees that have been with the company for long periods of time first consideration for promotions. This system is legitimate as long as it is used equally among all employees and was not established with discriminatory intent. Lastly the Various Merit Defense may also be used to escape liability from discrimination. This allows employers to discriminate based solely on a “bono fide merit system, which measure earnings by quality and quantity”.

Given the multitude of complications within filing, charging, convicting, and collecting on a Title VII violation, it is no wonder why there is such a wide range of remedies available to these victims. Most common remedies for these violations are compensatory damages which include “back pay, hiring, promotion, reinstatement, front pay, reasonable accommodation, attorneys’ fees, expert witness fees, court costs, or other actions that will make an individual ‘whole’ (in the condition s/he would have been but for the discrimination).” The victim may also attach punitive damages if it can proove an intentional infliction of emotional distress. “Punitive damages also may be available if an employer acted with malice or reckless indifference. These damages are not available against the federal, state or local governments .” These types of awards are isued as punishment towards the guilty party usually resulting in larger sums of money. “The sum of the plaintiffs compensatory and punitive damages may not exceed certain ammounts as stated by the staute, wich vary depending on the size of the employer”.

This may be of little or no consequence given that most employers facing such claims are from large corporations, allowing a substantial award to be granted. This may bring up a question of ethics concerning the alterior motives of an individual in search of these large awards. The employer also may be required to take corrective or preventive actions to cure the source of the identified discrimination and minimize the chance of its recurrence, as well as discontinue the specific discriminatory practices involved in the case. “Title VII may also give courts discretion to formulate equitable remedies apprpriate to the violation.”

After defining Title VII under the 1964 Civil Rights Act , examining its coverage, procedures, exemptions, and understanding what type of remedies are available to a victim of a violation; it is very important to take a closer look at the protective classes which are included in this statute. All races, nationalitys,and religious entities, male or female , are included as a protected calss under Tittle VII.

Race and Color Discrimination

“Title VII prohibits employers from discriminating against employees or job applicants on the basis of color or racial ethnicity.” This extends to both intentional and unintentional forms of discrimination. Unlike other groups under the protected class, there are no exceptions to racial discrimination since there is no reason why a person will not qualify for a job because of their color and race. For this reason this type of violation may arguably be the easiest to claim, but hardest to prove. In the case McCullough v. Real Foods, Inc. (United States Court of Appeals, Eighth Circuit, 1998. 140 F.3d 1123) Cynthia McCullough (a black female) filed charges against Real Foods Inc. for racial discrimination for promoting less qualified white women instead of her. Real Foods defense was that since McCullough couldn’t work after 3:00pm, they decided the other candidate would be better suited for the job, claiming no discriminatory intent. McCullough initially lost the case but appealed it to the eighth cicuit court where she won the case.

The judgment claimed that the employer used their reasoning as a pretext and that they truly acted in a discriminatory manner. This may be argued from both sides; on one hand Real Foods may have needed someone who can fulfill the position without time constraints, therefore eliminating McCullough as an option. On the other hand it may argued that regardless of the time retsraints, McCullough was undoubtedly the better qualified of the two and should have received the promotion. Both sides have a legitimate point but the job of the courts is to decide which has the most compelling argument. Would this have happened if both women who were applying were white? This brings up yet another ethical question concerning employment discrimination. Whose rights are we willing to compromise in order to promote equality?

Perhaps the most controversial issue in regards to racial discrimination is that of Affirmative Action programs. “These programs are designed to make up for the past patterns of discrimination by giving members of protected class preferential treatment in hiring and promotion.” This type of program has unsuprisingly brought up much controversy, particularly in regards to “reverse discrimination.” In the case Regents of the University of California v. Bakke,( 438 U.S 265, 98 S. Ct. 2733, 57L.Ed.2d 750. 1978) “Allan Bakke, who had been turned down by the Universitys Medical School, sued the university for reverse discrimination after he discovered that his academic record was better than those of some minority group that had been admitted into the program.”

The U.S. Supreme court, under the use of intermediate scrutiny, found in favor of the University of California on the grounds that giving favorability to minority students would enhance the cultural diversity of its student body. This case is a perfect example of an abuse of Tittle VII, using it to deprive the rights of an individual with the excuse of promoting civil liberties to a minority group. This type of ruling is detrimental to our society by taking a statute that was established to enable minorities to be chosen based on ability, and completely taking it to the other extreme resulting in the basis of qualification to again rely on ethnicity rather than qualifications. Although these programs have their downside, they have proven to be effective in improving the amount of minorities in the workplace.

National Origin

“National origin discrimination includes discrimination based on the persons country of origin, their ancestors country of origin, or their physical and cultural characteristics of a particular origin.” This differs from racial discrimination by protecting an Anglo-looking individual from Hispanic origin regardless of their racial appearance. In the same manner it protects an individual with characteristics of a specific origin regardless of there actually country of origin. For this reason an employee proof of citizenship has been proven to be in violation of Title VII and banded from employment applications. Instead of proving citizenship, one must just prove legal right to work in this country.

An exception to this rule is the Indian Sovereignty Immunity, which allows American Indian tribes sovereignty by having and Indian origin as a prerequisite. In the case Pink v. Modoc Indian Health Project (157 F3d. 1185. 9th circuit, 1998) , the issue of what types of organizations are actually protected by this statute was in question. The court ruled that any corporation whose board was composed of two or more tribal members is protected under the Title VII exception. This may raise the possibilities for reverse discrimination once again. Does this implicate that an organization that has little or nothing to do with the Indian community has power to discriminate against non-Indian individuals who may be fully qualified for a particular job?

Tamiami Partners, Ltd. V. Miccosukee Tribe of Indian of Florida (63 F3d, 1050. 11th cir. 1995) courts ruling stated that claims of discrimination can be charged against individuals of a tribal organization. In actuality, although Indian organization themselves may be exempt from Title VII National Origin Discrimination, individuals of these corporation may still be held accountable for there discriminatory actions.

Religious Discrimination

The term religion may have a very broad meaning within a legal context. Although every state and local agencies may hold different views on the matter, the EEOC defines religion as “any moral beliefs that are sincerely held with the strengths of traditional religious views.” An employer must reasonably accommodate the religious practices of its employer. For example, if an individual’s religion prohibits them from working certain days, then the employer must make a reasonable attempt to adhere to such requirement. As decided by Frazee v. Illinois Department of Employment security (489 U.S. 829,109 S Ct. 1514, 103 L.Ed.2d914, 1989) , “employers must also reasonably accommodate an employees religious beliefs even if the belief is not based on tenets or dogma of a particular church, sect, or denomination. The only requirement is that the belief be sincerely held by the employee”.

The statute also protects on the absence of any religious views (atheist). There are certain exceptions to this statute as mentioned before. Religious institutions (schools, churches, organizations) are allowed to discriminate based on religion on the grounds of BFOQ. It is clear that religious opinions would be considered a legitimate prerequisite for such organizations that are based on certain religious principles. The employer may also not comply with specific religious requirements if it would cause undue hardship to the employer’s business.

This issue of religious discrimination has been put in a whole new perspective in the wake of the September 11th attacks on our country. These recent terrorist attacks have put the country in a high state of alert, resulting in levels of prejudice we haven’t seen since World War II. Clearly the fact that nearly 100% of all recent terrorists have been from the Islamic religion may constitute this stereotypical view towards Muslims. This frame of thought however, poses an imminent threat to our constitutional rights for which this country was founded. Nevertheless, with legislations such as the patriot act, the thought of marshal law is lingering among the minds of many Americans. It seems that the president’s call for “War on Terror” is slowly translating into a war on Islam. Employers now find themselves with a very difficult challenge. They must remove their ideological blinders and not give in to this discriminatory force that has seized the mind of so many Americans.

References

www.usdoj.gov/kidspage/crt/emp.htm

Ibid.

Donohue, J. J. III. (1994). Employment discrimination law in perspective: Three concepts of equality. Michigan Law Review, 92, 2605. Pp. 2605-2607

Ibid.

Ibid.

http://www.withylaw.com/history.htm

http://www.elinfonet.com/fedindex/5

Dan Stormer and Anne Richardson, “The Graying of America: Age Discrimination in the Nineties, ” University of West Los Angeles Law Review 26 (1995): 189, 191

Dan Stormer and Anne Richardson, “The Graying of America: Age Discrimination in the Nineties, ” University of West Los Angeles Law Review 26 (1995): 21

Statistical Abstract 1998, table 645 at p.403

Judy and D’Amico, Work Force 2020, 103



The extent and ethics of racial profiling

Wednesday May 7, 2008

Public opinion polls reveal that racial profiling is a concern to a clear majority of Americans. A recent Gallup poll found that 81 percent of Americans thought racial profiling to be wrong and that 59 percent felt that racial profiling was widespread (Ludwig, 2003). The poll also revealed the expected differences between the perceptions of Whites and African-Americans, a solid majority of White (56 percent), and more than three out of four African-Americans (77 percent) survey respondents indicated that they believed the practice was widespread. Even President George W. Bush has weighed in on the subject. In a 2001 address to a Joint Session of Congress, Bush said: “Racial profiling is wrong, and we will end it in America. In so doing, we will not hinder the work of our Nation’s brave police officers. They protect us every day, often at great risk. But by stopping the abuses of a few, we will add to the public confidence our police officers earn and deserve” (Bush, 2001). Chief Russ Leach of the Riverside California Police Department commented that “The practice of racial profiling has no place in law enforcement. It is an activity that undermines the public trust vital for an effective community policing organization. Police must be perceived as both providers of public safety and deferential to the civil liberties of those that they have sworn to protect and serve. While the majority of police officers serve their communities in a professional and ethical manner, the debate over the reality of racial profiling as a practice in law enforcement is loudest on the side of its existence on a national level” (Leach, 2006).

It is easy to see from reviewing these polls and quotes that many people believe that racial profiling exists and is practiced by some law enforcement officers. As such, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) has said that “However prevalent racial profiling actually is, public perceptions implore police executives to address it (IACP, 2006).

The question that I will attempt to answer in this paper is; is racial profiling a widespread problem amongst law enforcement agencies in the United States and if so, what are the ethical implications?Of course, to answer the question about the prevalence of racial profiling, the first challenge is to determine exactly what racial profiling is. While, on its face, this may seem to be a relatively simple task, I found many definitions of racial profiling. It seems that police officers, attorneys, civil rights activists, and the average citizen all have differing opinions of what, exactly, constitutes racial profiling.

Racial profiling initially emerged out of concerns that African-Americans and Hispanics were more likely to be stopped by police and were being treated differently by police during those stops than other citizens. In the 1980s, some interdiction efforts targeted African-American and Hispanic drivers on the presumption that they were more likely to be involved in drug trafficking. Indeed, at the very beginning of my law enforcement career in 1986, I was in a narcotics enforcement unit. While a member of this unit, I received training from reputable instructors who taught us the “profile” of a typical drug currier. One of the indicators of a courier was, in fact, the suspects’ race. However, I think it is important to mention that race, in and of itself, was simply one indicator of many indicators related to drug traffickers. More recently, concerns over racial profiling have extended beyond the African-American and Hispanic race categories. For instance, since the 911 attack on the World Trade Center, Muslims and Arabs For the purpose of this paper, the definition that I will use concerning racial profiling is: “Any police-initiated action that relies on the race, ethnicity, or national origin rather than the behavior of an individual or information that leads the police to a particular individual who has been identified as being, or having been, engaged in criminal activity” (Ramirez, McDevitt, & Farrell, 2000).

Much of the evidence regarding the existence of racial profiling is anecdotal. The most common complaint by members of communities of “color” is that they are being stopped for petty traffic violations such as under-inflated tires, failure to properly signal before switching lanes, vehicle equipment violations, speeding less than 10 miles per hour over the posted speed limit, or having an illegible license plate.flying on aircraft have often been subjected to profiling. Racial profiling initially emerged out of concerns that African-Americans and Hispanics were more likely to be stopped by police and were being treated differently by police during those stops than other citizens. Because this evidence is anecdotal in nature, it is impossible to verify or study the evidence surrounding these individual cases. However, some of these cases of alleged racial profiling have resulted in lawsuits being filed against various police agencies for their discriminatory practices.

One of the earliest of these lawsuits was the case of Wilkins v. Maryland State Police (1993).

The case arose after Maryland State Police (MSP) troopers stopped Mr. Wilkins, who is African-American, as he returned home from a relative’s funeral in a rented Cadillac in May, 1992.

Mr. Wilkins, a Harvard Law School graduate and a public defender in Washington, D.C., was stopped for speeding while driving 60 miles per hour in a 55-mile-per-hour zone of the interstate. During the stop, Wilkins and other family members traveling with him were forced to stand on the side of the highway in the rain for an extended period of time while troopers and drug-sniffing dogs searched their car. Nothing was found. Wilkins, represented by the American Civil Liberties Union, filed suit and received a settlement from the state of Maryland. (Wilkins v Maryland State Police, 1993)One of the most important aspects of the Wilkins case was the fact that part of the case’s settlement details mandated that the MSP conduct an analysis of police searches along I-95 in Maryland. The settlement required that the results of that analysis must be released to the public. The MSP retained Dr. John Lamberth, a professor of psychology at Temple University, to conduct the required analysis. In 1995 and 1996 Lamberth compared the population of people searched and arrested with those violating traffic laws on Maryland highways. He constructed a violator sample using both stationary and rolling surveys of drivers violating the legal speed limit on a selected portion of the interstate. His violator survey indicated that 74.7 percent of speeders were White, while 17.5 percent were Black. (Lamberth, 1999) In contrast, according to MSP data, Blacks constituted 79.2 percent of the drivers searched. Lamberth concluded that the data revealed “dramatic and highly statistically significant disparities between the percentage of Black I-95 motorists legitimately subject to stop by the MSP and the percentage of Black motorists detained and searched by troopers on this roadway.” (Lamberth, 1999)Another case of note occurred in Gloucester County, New Jersey in 1994. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Black drivers were reporting that they were being stopped disproportionately by New Jersey troopers. In response to these complaints, the Gloucester County public defender’s office, while representing Pedro Soto and others, filed a motion to suppress evidence obtained in a series of searches, alleging that the searches were unlawful because they were part of a pattern and practice of racial profiling by New Jersey troopers (State of New Jersey v. Pedro Soto et al. 1996). As part of that litigation, the defendants received traffic-stop and arrest data compiled by the New Jersey State Police (NJSP) in selected locations from 1988 through 1991. Professor Lamberth served as the statistical expert for the defendants and conducted a comparative violator survey to weigh the percentage of Blacks stopped and arrested by New Jersey troopers against a comparative percentage of Blacks who violated traffic laws on New Jersey highways. His analysis found that Blacks comprised 13.5 percent of the New Jersey Turnpike population and 15 percent of the drivers speeding. In contrast, Blacks represented 35 percent of those stopped and 73.2 percent of those arrested (Lamberth, 1999). In other words, in New Jersey, Black drivers were disproportion ally more likely to be stopped and arrested than White drivers. The Superior Court of New Jersey relied on Lamberth’s study in its decision to suppress the evidence seized by New Jersey troopers in 19 consolidated criminal prosecutions and concurred with his opinion that the troopers relied on race in stopping and searching turnpike motorists.

Recent data collection efforts in New Jersey and New York have confirmed the independent findings used in the above-described court cases. In April 1999, the Attorney General of New Jersey issued a report indicating that New Jersey troopers had engaged in racial profiling along the New Jersey Turnpike (Verniero, P., Zoubek, P. 1999). This report tracked the racial breakdowns of traffic-stops between 1997 and 1998. The information indicated that people of color constituted 40.6 percent of the stops made on the turnpike. Although few stops resulted in a search, 77.2 percent of those individuals searched were people of color. An analysis of the productivity of these searches indicated that 10.5 percent of the searches that involved White motorists resulted in an arrest or seizure and that 13.5 percent of the searches involving Black motorists resulted in arrest or seizure. The New Jersey report demonstrated that minority motorists were more likely to be involved in consent searches than non-minority motorists. 80 percent of consent searches involved minority motorists (Verniero, P., Zoubek, P. 1999)In December 1999, New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer released the results of an investigation by his office of the “stop and frisk” practices in New York City. It showed that Blacks and Latinos were much more likely to be stopped and searched even when the statistics were adjusted to reflect differing criminal participation rates in some neighborhoods (Flynn, K., 1999).

After reviewing 175,000 incidents in which citizens were stopped by the police during the 15-month period that ended in March 1999, the attorney general found that Blacks were stopped six times more often than Whites, while Latinos were stopped four times more often. Blacks made up 25 percent of the city population but 50 per cent of the people stopped and 67 percent of the people frisked by the New York City Street Crimes Unit (New York Attorney General, New York City Police, 1999)In 2000, Doctors James E. Lange, Mark B. Johnson, and Robert B. Voas conducted two studies in an effort to develop benchmark values with which to compare police stop data (traffic-stops) to assess racial profiling (Lange et al., 2005). Lange et al. felt that some of the prior methods used to measure racial profiling, specifically, measuring the differences between the racial distribution of traffic stops and the racial distribution of individuals residing within the regions, often inaccurately indicate that some racial or ethnic groups are being stopped at a rate disproportionate to their representation in the region. Lange, et al. questioned whether these regional or local population estimates were the appropriate benchmark for comparison and reasoned that a more appropriate benchmark for assessing racial profiling would be to estimate the racial composition of those who exceed the speed limit and compare that to the composition of individuals stopped and cited for that offense. Lange, et al. set out to do an even more comprehensive study than was done by Lamberth in Maryland and New Jersey.

The first of their studies, which they refer to as the tollbooth survey, extended Lamberth’s study in two important ways. First, the survey was conducted along the entire New Jersey Turnpike not a regional section (north, central or south). Second, the survey relied upon self-reports of race and ethnicity, thus eliminating measurement error due to unreliable observations. (Lamberth’s measurement of race and ethnicity involved stationing observers by the side of the road to count the number of cars and the race of the occupants)According to Lange et al., the tollbooth survey used two strategies: one to assess the race and ethnicity of drivers, and the other to create reliable and general population estimates for different sections of the turnpike. Researchers positioned themselves inside tollbooths and had face to face contact with drivers, reducing measurement error particularly for Hispanic drivers. A total vehicle count of all vehicles traveling on the turnpike was also obtained in this manner.

As stated by Lange et al., interviewers contacted 4,656 drivers at the tollbooths and 4,039 (86.8%) agreed to participate. For those who did not agree to participate, the driver’s race/ethnicity and age based upon observation was recorded in the analysis. The researchers believed that if refusals were excluded this would introduce more bias than using interviewer’s estimates.

The data was recorded from four 6-hour time blocks: 4 a.m. – 9:59 a.m.; 10:00 a.m. – 3:59 a.m.; 4 p.m. – 9:59 p.m.; 10 p.m. – 3:59 p.m. This choice of timeframes ensured that rush hours were contained within a single shift. Weekends were defined from Saturday at 4 a.m. – Monday at 3:59 a.m. The field procedure featured researchers at selected turnpike exits and two tollbooths, positioned behind the toll collector. A timing mechanism inside a handheld PC told researchers’ when to contact a vehicle for participation and would select vehicles at random without regard for ethnic or racial identification. After the toll collector had collected the driver’s toll ticket, the surveyor would lean out of the booth, explain the survey, assuring that it would remain confidential and was voluntary, and then give the driver an envelope with a $5 bill inside along with information regarding the survey to include a phone number the driver could call if he or she wanted to learn more about the survey. Participants were asked the following: their age, where they entered the turnpike; their ethnic group (White, Black, Hispanic/Latino, Asian, American Indian or Other); sex was observable by the surveyor. The vehicle license plate number, state of registry, exit number and time of interview were also recorded. According to Lange et al., researchers obtained data of police stops along the New Jersey Turnpike during May 2000 (time period tollbooth survey was conducted). This data was mandated by a Consent Decree between the State of New Jersey and the United States Department of Justice and included the demographic characteristics of individuals stopped and searched by police. When an officer initiates a car stop, he or she contacts their Communications Division by car radio and gives the dispatcher the following information: description of the stopped car and its occupants (to include the number of occupants), their apparent race and ethnicity and their apparent gender. For the purposes of this study researchers who obtained the data did not distinguish between a moving or non-moving violation and included only stops along the turnpike. The data included 7,559 stops of which 7,296 contained sufficient information to be included in the survey.

Their second study, dubbed the turnpike speed survey, was conducted with the intended purpose of determining whether the racial composition of drivers varied as a function of speed. Speeds were measured by capturing high-resolution photographs of a sample of vehicles on the turnpike. Trained coders examined each photograph to determine the race and ethnicity of the driver, and vehicle speeds were used to determine whether the driver was a speeder or nonspeeder. A total of 38,745 photographs were taken; 21,536 were nonspeeders, and 17,209 were speeders who were defined as those individuals traveling 15 mph or more above the posted speed limit. This was based upon the fact that New Jersey State Troopers would initiate a traffic stop at 15 miles per hour over the posted speed limit.

The turnpike speed survey showed a 68 % case reliability factor based on speed; 96.6 % of the cases have reliable age estimates (45 and younger and older than 45); there was no statistically significant differences in the proportion of Black and White drivers between the tollbooth survey and the turnpike speed survey (Lange et al. 2005). Lange et al., state that there appears to be a uniform race/ethnicity effect across all parts of the turnpike where the speed limit is 65 mph; the average driver is very similar for each racial/ethnic group; Black drivers are stopped more often in 65 mph zones as opposed to 55 mph zones where Whites were more likely to be speeders. The study revealed that Blacks were more likely to be stopped at approximately 77 mph.

The results of the research closely mirrored the results obtained by Lamberth, namely, Black drivers were stopped more often than represented in the population. While Lange et al. took a different approach of measuring the existence of racial profiling than did Lamberth; they too concluded that racial profiling was a reality, at least in New Jersey.

Other researchers have conducted studies that indicate that improper racial profiling is not as prevalent as it may seem. Some scholars, such as Kenneth Arrow, argue that if police are not racially prejudiced, yet still use race as a cue to predict the likelihood of criminality among those they stop, they practice statistical discrimination (Arrow, 1973). Their preference is to make successful stops, where success is indexed by obtaining evidence of criminal behavior, and they stop more of given racial or ethnic group because they have found that group more likely to be engaged in criminal behavior. Evidence for statistical discrimination would be the equivalence in the average evidence of guilt across stopped citizens from each identifiable racial or ethnic group. Arrow further argues that officers who are prejudiced against a given racial or ethnic group would be willing to stop a member of that group even if the expected evidence of guilt that might be obtained were lower than that expected from the stop of a member of a different group. Evidence for such preference-based discrimination would be a lower average of evidence of guilt across stopped citizens of the discriminated against group.

Ian Ayres puts forth the argument that the most useful benchmark for assessing the meaning of police practices would reflect the rate at which persons of different races engage in behaviors that legitimately place them at risk for police interventions-traffic violations, crimes, or disorderly activity. While Ayres makes note of the prior research done by Lamberth and others, he feels that their research has a variety of limitations. Ayres thinks that another form of data collection, systematic observation of police, is a more effective and accurate method of determining the extent of racial profiling by patrol police officers across the full range of situations these officers encounter, not just traffic stops. Rather than benchmarking the police practices observed in the field according to estimates of the rates at which citizens of different races engage in at-risk practices for police intervention, Ayres uses the outcomes of these police encounters to make judgments about how race may have entered into the judgments police officers made to exercise their authority to intrude into the citizen’s affairs. Ayres research focuses on the two forms of police intrusion that have proven most problematic for police in sustaining a sense of legitimacy in the public: stops and searches. Ayres research was conducted in Indianapolis, Indiana in 1996 and St. Petersburg, Florida in 1997. Ayres data collection focused on officers assigned to 12 patrol beats in each city. Beat samples were matched as closely as possible according to the degree of socioeconomic distress, measured as the sum of percentages of families with children headed by a single female, the adult population that is unemployed, and the population below 50 percent of the poverty level. Field observers were graduate students and honors undergraduates who had received a semester’s training in systematic observation of the police, plus on-site orientation rides. Researchers accompanied patrol officers assigned to the selected neighborhoods throughout a matched sample of work shifts. Observers noted a large number of features of police-citizen interactions, including characteristics and behavior of the citizens and officers, the nature of the location, and the circumstances surrounding the event. Observers took brief field notes, transcribed them into detailed accounts, and coded them according to a protocol. Approximately 240 hours of observation were conducted with officers assigned to each of the selected neighborhoods. Researchers guaranteed that officers’ identities would not be reported according to the limited protection from legal process afforded by federal statute and case law governing research sponsored by the funding agency.

Observers recorded police contact with approximately 6,500 citizens in Indianapolis and 5,500 citizens in St. Petersburg. Of these, 992 in Indianapolis and 671 in St. Petersburg were coded as persons suspected of a crime or illegal activity that the police elected to stop on their own initiative. In Indianapolis, 698 of 992 officer-initiated stops of citizens (70 percent) were of Black citizens, and only 30 percent were of White citizens. In St. Petersburg the numbers were 381 Black citizens stopped and 290 White citizens, or 57 percent of those stopped were Black. In the Indianapolis neighborhoods, that were the focus of Ayres research, 49 percent of the residents were Black. In St. Petersburg neighborhoods, 37 percent were Black.

The results of Ayres research suggested that police of neither Indianapolis nor St. Petersburg engaged in racially preferential treatment in deciding whom to stop. With regards to police searches, Ayres compared the treatment of Black and White suspects according to the race of the officer, using the logic that the absence of police preferential bias will be demonstrated when officers of the same race as the suspect exhibit the same likelihood of searching the suspect as would an officer of a different race. Ayres found statistically significant evidence of a substantial racial preference, although not in a direction anticipated. Ayres found that Black officers were much less likely to search White suspects than were White officers, and that the difference in search rates of Black suspects between Black and White was statistically indistinguishable. Ayres stated that he found the absence of the expected race effects in both cities to be striking. Ayres concluded that Black citizens do not appear to be the victims of racial profiling in these two cities (Ayres, 2001).

The most recent research, as reported by the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics statisticians Matthew R. Durose, Patrick A. Langan and Erica L. Smith, shows that in both 2002 and 2005, White, Black, and Hispanic drivers were stopped by police at similar rates. While the majority of stopped drivers (86.2%) felt police had a legitimate reason for stopping them, driver opinion was not consistent across racial/ethnic categories. White (87.6%) and Hispanic drivers (85.1%) were more likely than Black drivers (76.8%) to feel the stop was legitimate. Driver opinion also varied depending on the reason for the traffic stop. A smaller percentage of Black drivers stopped because of a vehicle defect (66.5%) felt they were stopped for a legitimate reason compared to White drivers pulled over for the same reason (90.5%). Opinions about the legitimacy of the traffic stop were relatively uniform among White, Black, and Hispanic drivers when the reason for the stop was a roadside check for drunk drivers, a seatbelt violation, or an illegal turn or lane change (Durose, M., Langan, P., Smith, E., 2007).

The same research showed that Blacks and Hispanics were more likely than Whites to be searched by police (Durose, et al). At the same time, more than half (57.6%) of all searches conducted were by consent. Consent searches occurred because either the officer asked permission to perform a search and the driver than granted it, or the driver told the officer he/she could conduct a search without the officer first asking for permission (Durose, et al, 2007).

There are also those who argue that, while racial profiling does exist, it may not always be a bad thing. The following is an overview of research done by Sean B. Trende and reported in the journal article “Why modest proposals offer the best solution for combating racial profiling”, taken from the Duke Law Journal (2000). Trende attempts to strike a middle ground between his unreserved condemnation of profiling and defending, basically, the indefensible. According to Trende, there is some argument in support of profiling and it may prove to be an effective anti-crime tool, however it runs against the grain of modern American ideals of fairness and equality. According to Trende, and as I personally experienced as mentioned before in this paper, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) uses a “drug courier” profile to assist in the prevention of drug smuggling, mainly at airports. There are several characteristics used by DEA agents that have been helpful in apprehending drug suspects, including: being the first off the plane, being the last to deplane, holding a one-way ticket, using a round trip ticket, paying for the ticket in cash, traveling alone and with a companion, and acting too nervous. Trende, states that profiling has proven successful by the number of large drug seizures made frequently as opposed to random stops. I participated in the use of this “profiling” at Palm Beach International Airport (PBIA) in 1986. My partner and I were at the airport to pick up a suspect; however the suspect never showed so we decided to spend a few minutes profiling potential traffickers that may be present at PBIA. After only a few minutes, we saw a Black female and Black male in line to purchase a one-way ticket to Atlanta. We noted that the plane was already in the process of being boarded and was due to leave within several minutes. We also noted that the female did not have any checked baggage and had only one carry-on bag. We further noted that she paid for the ticket in cash. All of her actions, as well as her race, were consistent with the DEA drug courier profile. What really “sealed the deal” in our minds was when her male companion said only “see you next time” as he parted ways with the female. At that point we approached the female and identified ourselves. We asked her if she would mind answering questions, being careful to explain to her that she was not being detained. After examining her ticket, we asked her if she could provide us with a driver’s license or any other form of identification (ID) to confirm that the name on the ticket matched her identification. She stated that she did not have any ID with her, unlikely for someone boarding an aircraft, even in 1986. She advised that she had been in town for several days visiting “friends” whose names, addresses and phone numbers she could not recall. Further, she could not explain why she had no luggage that would be consistent with someone visiting for several days. At that point, we requested her permission to search her carry-on bag. She refused, saying that she needed to board her plane. We told her that we were detaining her bag but that she was free to leave. After obtaining a search warrant, we discovered that the bag contained 3 kilograms of cocaine. We later learned that the female never boarded the flight to Atlanta. Technically, we had just used “racially profiling” on the Black female. In this case, the racial profiling led to the seizure of a sizable amount of cocaine. Was it improper to racially profile this suspect?As a 22 year police officer, the courts have always given the police discretion when applying police procedures. A recent article in the Palm Beach Post, May 4, 2007 in which County Court Judge Barry Cohen questioned whether members of the Palm Beach County Violent Crimes Task Force (VCTF) making a minor marijuana arrest, based upon a early morning traffic stop for a tag light violation of a black male, was appropriate to combat recent gang violence in palm Beach County, shows that not everyone agrees with the discretion used. Cohen questioned whether the drug war has led to an increasing perception among blacks that they can be stopped in their vehicles for merely “driving while black”. Cohen’s comments raised concerns among me and members of the VCTF and the “Gangbusters” tactical component who made the stop and issued the subject a notice to appear in court on the minor drug violation along with a traffic citation for the tag light defect. The Palm Beach County State Attorney, Barry Krischer issued a rebuttal to Cohen’s decision supporting the role of police in using whatever lawful means available to fight gang violence and the war on drugs. Traffic stops is one tool that members of “Gangbusters” use on a daily basis to make further inquiry into a vehicle and receive verbal consent from occupants to look for drugs and weapons. To date, 1200 arrests have been made, almost 100 illegal firearms have been confiscated and gang related shootings and murders have dropped off significantly. The reason I include this commentary in this paper is to illustrate that, in my opinion, the courts will continue to balance the authority of police and the right of civilians to feel safe and secure when they move about in public.

Trende argues that if racial profiling was determined to be illegal, then police would have oneless tool to effectively fight crime. Los Angeles Police Department Chief Bernard Parks, himself Black, supports profiling but states that police are more interested in identifying criminal behavior than profiling but adds that it is not the fault of police when they stop minority males or put them in jail.

Trende provides discussion from scholars who agree and disagree with racial profiling but agree on the fact that profiling is effective in fighting crime. He posits that if liberals are wrong in refusing to weigh the costs of ending racial profiling then conservatives are wrong for ignoring the costs of allowing profiling to continue.

I think that is nearly impossible to make an accurate assessment at this time as to how widespread the problem of racial profiling. As noted above, there are conflicting studies showing both the presence and the absence of racial profiling. It is hard to even get scholars to agree as to what improper racial profiling is. After conducting this research, I think that there is little doubt that some forms of racial profiling do, in fact, occur at some law enforcement agencies. However, in order to determine the prevalence of this profiling, much more research must be done.

I would next like to discuss the ethics of racial profiling. In my opinion, there is no ethical dilemma for those police officers that practice what Arrow described as statistical discrimination. Those officers are not prejudiced and use a subject’s race merely as an indicator of the likelihood of criminality among those they stop. They base their stops, not on a personal dislike of any particular race or ethnicity, but rather on statistics that show that a particular race is more likely than another race to be involved in criminality under a given set of circumstances. The challenge, as I see it, is being able to identify those officers that participate in statistical discrimination for the purpose of fighting crime, and those officers that discriminate based on their own personal bias towards minorities.

Dr. Lee Brown, a former chief executive of several major police agencies, believes that ferreting out those officers that improperly discriminate begins with a clear message from the top of the police organization. According to Brown, “The leadership of a police organization ultimately will determine the character of the organization. Line officers must know and understand the core values of their organizations. These values must become the guide for police officer’s so they can judge right from wrong and acceptable from unacceptable behavior. They must understand that their mission is to protect the constitutional rights of each citizen, regardless of race, creed, color, sexual preference, or gender” (Brown, L., 1997). Police Chief Edward Flynn notes that “The police profession attracts individuals who are seeking moral clarity and who have a strong desire to correct the wrongs of society.” He believes that it is the responsibility of police executives to take advantage of this situation and “…create an environment in which young, morally strong officers can actualize their idealism” (Flynn, E., 1997).

The next level of the police department that needs to be addressed is middle managers, the sergeants and lieutenants that have contact with individual officers on a day-to-day basis. According to Police Chief Elizabeth Watson, “A major problem with police integrity is middle managers who do not understand or are unwilling to embrace the moral goals of the police department.” She goes on to say that “Supervisors need to be taught what it means to make core values part of the department’s operations and how to translate those values to apply them to judgments of subordinates’ behavior. Unfortunately, said Chief Watson, there are still those supervisors who see no conflict in acting on their own personal values, imbedded with prejudices and biases, rather than responding on the basis of the department’s core values” (Watson, E., 1997).

While providing an atmosphere and culture of unquestionable ethics and professionalism, a police department must, at the same time, hold individual officers accountable for acts of improper racial profiling. In my opinion, once it has been established that an officer has breached the police code of ethics, whether by improperly racially profiling or any other identified ethical breach, that officer must be made an example of. His or her punishment must be swift and certain.

In summery, it is my belief, based on my research and personal experiences, that improper racial profiling does exist in some police agencies. However, without more research being done, it is impossible to know for sure just how widespread that profiling is. When improper profiling is exposed, it may be a symptom of a breakdown in the communication of the department’s values and ethics between the department’s leadership and the line officer. That type of breakdown cannot be allowed to exist and must be addressed at all levels within the department.

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Ayres, I., (2001). Pervasive prejudice? Unconventional evidence of race and gender discrimination. University of Chicago Press.

Brown, L. Dr., (1997) Police Integrity, Public Service with Honor: A Project for the United States Department of Justice. P. 26. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Bush, George W. Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on administration goals. Washington, DC. February 27, 2001.

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Lamberth, John., Driving while Black: A Statistician proves that prejudice still rules the road,” Washington Post, August 16, 1999, at C1.

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New York Attorney General, New York City Police “Stop and Frisk” Practices: A report to the people of New York from the Office of the Attorney General, New York, NY: December 1, 1999, at 95.

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Verniero, P., Zoubek, P., New Jersey Attorney General’s Interim Report of the State Police Review Team Regarding Allegations of Racial Profiling (N.J. Interim report), April 20, 1999.

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